To Ana María PREHISPANIC SETTLEMENT AND LAND-USE IN COCHABAMBA, BOLIVIA. Alvaro Higueras-Hare, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 1996 Abstract This is a study of the evolution of prehistoric land-use and settlement in the Cochabamba Valleys, Bolivia, during the Formative, Early Intermediate, Intermediate, and Late Periods. Data on land-use and settlement data were generated through a random settlement survey of the Capinota-Parotani and Mizque areas of the Cochabamba region.
The local ceramic sequences of the first two periods in Cochabamba changed dramatically in the Intermediate Period with the widespread use of pottery in the Tiwanaku style. The distribution of these materials has often been assumed to represent the colonial expansion of a highland Tiwanaku empire interested in exploiting mesothermal crops unavailable in the imperial homeland.
If a central motive of Tiwanaku penetration into Cochabamba was access to maize production, then Tiwanaku style materials should be differentially associated with the best agricultural lands. The settlement survey was designed, therefore, to document broad changes through time in settlement preferences for the most productive soils and topographic zones. Given the hypothesis of Tiwanaku economic colonization, investigation focused on exploring the relationships between ceramic style distributions, site size and location, and local agricultural productivity. Analysis of the survey data revealed no differences between the two research areas in the size of occupation during the Intermediate Period, indicating that local agricultural productivity was not a factor in the distribution of Tiwanaku style materials. Nor did analysis within each survey area indicate significant preferences for settlement on the best agricultural lands. In each area, instead, the strongest preference at times was for settlement in a particular topographic zone: the piedmont zone. The changes in settlement or land-use patterns associated with the appearance of Tiwanaku style pottery cannot be viewed as an expression of Tiwanaku imperialism. The results of the survey suggest that indigenous processes were more important in structuring settlement and subsistence that external influences from the highlands, despite the widespread Tiwanaku style pottery. PREFACE This dissertation explores the diachronic evolution of human-land relationships from the Formative to the Late Period in the mesothermal Cochabamba Valleys, on the eastern slopes of the Bolivian Andes. Prior to this study, the lack of systematic study of the distribution of Tiwanaku style materials in Cochabamba facilitated the assumption of the Tiwanaku state's territorial expansion into Cochabamba. My research was motivated by a desire to test this scenario by systematic data concerning the distribution of Tiwanaku style materials in this important region. In this sense, the Proyecto Expansi¢n Tiwanaku en Cochabamba was the first attempt to systematize data on prehistoric settlements in Cochabamba on a regional scale. This research investigates the nature of the distribution of Tiwanaku style materials in Cochabamba by analyzing the spatial relationship between settlement location and agricultural productivity through time. Chapter 1 of this dissertation presents the central hypothesis of the research, the antecedents on the analysis of large-scale polities in the Andes, and, finally several interaction models developed to interpret the land use and settlement pattern data. Chapter 2 outlines the archaeological background of the research: what is known of Cochabamba archaeology; and a review of the research conducted to date on the Tiwanaku polity. The description of the stylistic components of the Cochabamba pottery sequence provides a framework for establishing the chronological affiliation of the sites recorded in the survey. I review five aspects of the Tiwanaku polity: (1) chronological sequence; (2) occurrence of foreign pottery in the Tiwanaku heartland; (3) settlement patterns in the Tiwanaku Valley and other regions; (4) agricultural potential of the heartland and the evidence for maize consumption; and, (5) arguments for the territorial expansion of the Tiwanaku polity. Chapter 3 describes the environmental, hydrological, and soil characteristics of each survey area and the potential productive differences existing between the Capinota-Parotani and the Mizque survey areas. Soil productivity data are the basis for assessing the agricultural potential of each survey area. Chapter 4 describes the archaeological strategy I adopted: (1) a random sampling strategy, tailored the specific objectives of the research; (2) comparison of this strategy to alternative survey strategies; (3) field procedures themselves; (4) statistical analysis of the settlement and soil data; and (5) analysis of the surface ceramic material. Chapters 5 and 6 describe changes in settlement in each area by chronological period. These chapters contain a: (1) summary of settlement data (number of sites recorded, the occupation area by period, and the estimated totals by zones based on the sample); (2) description of the distribution of each pottery style; and (3) statistical analysis of settlement preferences (looking at the distribution of occupation by topographic zone and by soil group). The final part of each of these chapters consists of a diachronic comparison of the four chronological periods. In Chapter 7, synchronic and diachronic comparisons are made between the Capinota-Parotani and Mizque survey areas in general and by chronological period. Then, my findings on land use and settlement data are compared to the predicted patterns of the four models of interaction proposed in Chapter 1. Finally, the Cochabamba Intermediate Period settlement patterns are considered in the context of large-scale expansive polities in the South-Central Andes region. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many individuals and institutions allowed me to reach this stage of my professional career. I wish to mention and thank them all. The H.J. Heinz Endowment supported Latin American archaeologists graduate studies at the University of Pittsburgh. In Pittsburgh, Drs. James B. Richardson III, Robert D. Drennan, and the principal advisor of this dissertation, Marc Bermann, have provided invaluable and constant advice and support. Helaine Silvermann has provided enthusiastic support all these years. In Peru, Franklin Pease, Elías Mujica and Idilio Santillana, were pivotal to my undergraduate years. In addition, Elías Mujica has been extremely supportive of the research pursued in Cochabamba. Izumi Shimada, who included me in his project, provided my first and essential fieldwork experience. The human group I found at the University of Pittsburgh made of my years at Pitt a very productive experience. My fellow U.S. and Latin American colleagues provided a outstanding context for study and friendship. First, Cristiana Barreto and Kurt Von Mettenheim, and Susana de los Heros, whose friendship and support were of immense help these years. My fellow students Liliam Arvelo, María Auxiliadora Cordero, Carlos Fitzgerald, and Cristiana, shared personal archaeological experiences and with them the tensions of the third-year were overcome. Ruth Fauman-Fichman, Gonzalo Jaramillo, Carl Langebaek, Rodrigo Liendo, María Concepci¢n Obregón, Augusto Oyuela-Caycedo, Calogero Santoro, Rob Kruger, David Anderson, and John Rose have been of great support during several stages of my graduate study. The financial support of the research was provided by four institutions. The Tinker Foundation, through the Center for Latin American Studies of the University of Pittsburgh, allowed a preliminary trip to Cochabamba, and provided travel funds for the research. The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research (Grant 5628), the National Science Foundation (SBR-9312906), and the Organization of American States (OAS) provided the funds for the field research. I wish to thank the officers of each of these institutions for their essential support. In Cochabamba I wish to extend my thanks to the staff of the Museo Arqueológico of the Universidad de San Sim¢n: David Pereira, Director, and Angelina Muñoz, Ramón Sanzetenea, and Ricardo Céspedes. They supported the project and cooperated in every possible way by extending the required permits and facilitating other administrative tasks. Ricardo Céspedes, who co-directed the project, was an excellent partner during the fieldwork. When not in the field, he and his family were good friends to Ana Maria and I. Juan Carlos Blanco and Javier Gonzales helped me in ceramic analysis. Two excellent groups of local workers helped us in the pedestrian tasks of the survey in Capinota-Parotani and Mizque. In Capinota-Parotani, Marcelo Tonnazolli and the staff of the Escuela Agro-Técnica of Itapaya provided shelter and healthy fresh meals from their farm. I wish to thank their hospitality and the support of the Ciudad de Los Niños and the Italian International Cooperation. In Mizque, Don Pascual, Hilda, and Zulma, and their families provided room and board for the crew. In Cochabamba, a few friends, out of the archaeological realm, were of great support: Marinés and Daniel Nash, and Mike and Aida West. Back in the United States I wish to thank the staff of the State Museum of Pennsylvannia in Harrisburg: Steve Warfel, Mark McConaughy, and Janet Johnson, who allowed ne to use their library and facilities to produce a major portion of this dissertation. But foremost, I thank Ana Maria Boza for her support all the years spent together. Her presence in Cochabamba, during part of the season, was of invaluable help to the field and laboratory work. And I wish to thank the encouragement made by every member of my family during my graduate years. Finally, thanks to those who wrote "A Fool on the Hill", a tune which made our pedestrian tasks somewhat easier.
Copyright (c) 1998-99, Alvaro Higueras. Derechos Reservados/All rights
Please send comments on content and presentation to
URL of this document: http://www.tiwanakuarcheo.net/3_phd/abst.html
Revised: 29 May 1999